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by
Roland X, 2-13-04 |
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"He who fights against monsters should
see to it that he does not become a monster in the process." -- Friedrich
Nietzsche, "Beyond Good and Evil" (as translated in the
Columbia World of Quotations).
What is a neoconservative?
Given what we face in this election, that is a very important
question. There has been considerable argument on this topic, with definitions
ranging everywhere from neo-imperialists to -- according to defensive
neocons trying to smear their opponents -- a code word for "Jewish conservative."
The latter accusation is interesting, given the influence
of Richard Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld (apparently both Methodists) in
the Project for a New American Century, widely recognized as the leading
neoconservative think tank. Of course, this is the same bunch that tries
to claim neocons really aren't that influential. I suppose having the
Vice-President and the Secretary of Defense (both of whose political careers
stretch back to the Nixon administration) in your camp, particularly with
the most pliable president in living memory sitting in the White House,
does not constitute influence.
To the point: some among the libertarians and "classic"
conservatives have a different definition for neocons -- neo-Communist:
The Trotskyist pedigree of neoconservatism
is no secret; the original neocon, Irving Kristol, acknowledges it with
relish: "I regard myself to have been a young Trostkyite and I have not
a single bitter memory." Nor is there any doubt about the influence --
one might almost say hegemony -- of "former Communists" on the post-war
conservative movement. Just read the words of one neocon, Seymour Martin
Lipset:
From the anti-Stalinists who became conservatives
-- including James Burnham, Whittaker Chambers, and Irving Kristol --
the Right gained a political education and, in some cases, an injection
of passion. The ex-radicals brought with them the knowledge that ideological
movements must have journals and magazines to articulate their perspectives.
In 1955, for example, William F. Buckley, Jr., launched National Review
at the urging of Willi Schlamm, a former German Communist. In its early
years, National Review was largely written and edited by the Buckley
family and a handful of former Communists, Trotskyists, and socialists,
such as Burnham and Chambers. It played a major role in creating the
Goldwaterite and Reaganite New Right and in stimulating an anti-Soviet
foreign policy.
A bit...extreme? Perhaps. Real, thoughtful conservatives
-- people who favor an isolationist foreign policy, fiscal responsibility,
genuinely reduced government intrusion, robust civil liberties -- are an
endangered species in the halls of power, and they're starting to get as
worried as the classic left. Nevertheless, a dissection of the neoconservative
movement's history shows considerable, if circumstantial, evidence for this
outlook.
The politics of destruction, of course, were a staple of
Soviet politics. To be sure, in any healthy democracy, there are going
to be rising passions and low blows. For those searching for the beginning
of the end in American political discourse, look no further than Newt
Gingrich's memo "Language: A Key Mechanism
of Control," a textbook example of demagoguery:
Often we search hard for words to help us define
our opponents. Sometimes we are hesitant to use contrast. Remember that
creating a difference helps you. These are powerful words that can create
a clear and easily understood contrast. Apply these to the opponent, their
record, proposals and their party. decay... failure (fail)... collapse(ing)...
deeper... crisis... urgent(cy)... destructive... destroy... sick... pathetic...
lie... liberal... they/them... unionized bureaucracy... "compassion" is
not enough... betray... consequences... limit(s)... shallow... traitors...
sensationalists...
Naturally, one of the most important weapons in the
arsenal of a totalitarian regime is control of perception, meaning the media.
And no one man exemplifies the neoconservative drive for media domination
more than Rupert Murdoch, muscular champion of the right, head cheerleader
for Gulf War II, defender of the neocon party line, and best buddy with
totalitarian China.
Say
what?
When it comes to conflicts between dictators and
their victims, Mr. Murdoch, like Mr. Kissinger, is mighty sympathetic
to the needs of the guys with the cattle prods in their hands, irrespective
of ideology. He has consistently kowtowed to the Communist Chinese, happily
censoring his broadcasts, canceling book deals and what many view as paying
millions of dollars in ill-disguised bribes (in the form of book advances)
to family members of the aging Marxist gerontacracy. In pursuit of a chimerical
profit in the Far East, Mr. Murdoch himself has repeatedly spoken out
in favor of dictatorship and against media freedom. When he agreed to
remove the BBC from Star TV's offering there, he explained, "We're trying
to get set up in China. Why should we upset them?" He later added, "The
truth is -- and we Americans don't like to admit it -- that authoritarian
societies can work."
Emphasis mine.
Finally, of course, the rights themselves must be eliminated.
The long, sad story stretching from Bush's now-infamous line "some people
have too much freedom" to the recent attempt to subpoena
peace activists for exercising their right to peaceably assemble.
Mercifully, the tide seems to be turning:
Federal prosecutors withdrew a subpoena Tuesday
ordering Drake University to turn over a list of people involved in an
antiwar forum in November, as well as subpoenas ordering four activists
to testify before a grand jury.
I am not, by any means, suggesting that conditions in
America are as bad as they were during even the most lenient periods of
the USSR's existence. The legal maneuvers of John Ashcroft, the howling
screeds of Ann Coulter, and the politicizing of terrorism by Karl Rove are
all tragic examples of how far the right is willing to go. America's resilience,
however, shows the strength of our democracy even in these supposedly apathetic
times.
While we must remain vigilant and oppose their movement
on all fronts, the real tragedy is not in what the neoconservatives have
done to America, but what they have turned themselves into in the process.
By all appearances, the neocons fought the Soviet Union for so long, they
lost sight of what they were fighting. In their zeal to become the dominant
global power, they lost sight of what they were fighting for. In
the process of destroying a totalitarian enemy, they've become the very
foe they worked so hard and so long to destroy. The neocons have made
themselves into their own monster.
(/) Roland X
Someone hook a generator to Eisenhower's tomb, quick -- the spinning could
solve the energy problem!
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